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President Obama's 2016 State of the Union Address Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa. I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again. But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done. But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond. I want to focus on our future. We live in a time of extraordinary change — change that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate. America has been through big changes before — wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew, and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did — because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril — we emerged stronger and better than before. What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation — our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law — these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come. In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love. But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together? So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer — regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress. First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy? Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us — especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change? Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman? And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst? Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters. Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true — and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious — is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top. All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot. For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree. We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids. And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year. Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build. That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law. Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job — we shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone. I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids. But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years — namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make. I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America. In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges? Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon. That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit. We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day. But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all. Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources. Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it. But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record — until 2015 turned out even hotter — why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal — in jobs that pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy — something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth. Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either. Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future — especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system. None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planet we'll preserve — that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve. Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem. I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead — they call us. As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria — states they see slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality. It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities. Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies. But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are — killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed. That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria. If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment — or mine — to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit. Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world — in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage. We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq — and we should have learned it by now. Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight. That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace. That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war. That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic. That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it. Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo. American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world — except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change — that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria — something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year. That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies. That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country. "We the People." Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight. The future we want — opportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids — all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates. It will only happen if we fix our politics. A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security. But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest. Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency — that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office. But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task — or any President's — alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've told me. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves. We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections — and if our existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do. But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process — in not just who gets elected but how they get elected — that will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people. What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background. We can't afford to go down that path. It won't deliver the economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world. So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen. To vote. To speak out. To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us. To stay active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and optimism that I see in the American people every single day. It won't be easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I'll be right there with you as a citizen — inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that have helped America travel so far. Voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born; not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first, bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed would have the final word — voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love. They're out there, those voices. They don't get a lot of attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the work this country needs doing. I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours. I see you. I know you're there. You're the reason why I have such incredible confidence in our future. Because I see your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time. I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages to keep him on board. I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might someday cure a disease. I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of starting over — and the business owner who gives him that second chance. The protester determined to prove that justice matters, and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe. I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him 'til he can run a marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on. It's the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he's been taught. I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth. That's the America I know. That's the country we love. Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. That's what makes me so hopeful about our future. Because of you. I believe in you. That's why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong. Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

1/12/2016 Gerard de Rooy victory in stage 8 puts Iveco in the lead in the Dakar ​ In the first special with a strong focus on navigation, Gerard de Rooy skillfully threaded his way through the dunes of northern Argentina and landed his Iveco Powerstar in first place in the general classification, after proving himself as the best competitor in yesterday's race. After crossing the finish line of yesterday's stage, the pilots agreed that the course, which covered 534 exhausting kilometers and produced changes in the top spots in all four categories of the 2016 Dakar Rally, was "90% navigation". Stage 8, connecting the cities of Salta and Belén, included the first sand and dune areas, which put the remaining teams' navigational and driving skills to the test. Gerard de Rooy got ahead in the Trucks category and claimed Iveco's second stage victory in this edition. This win puts the Dutchman, who won the Dakar in 2012, in the lead of the race. This is the second time that Iveco is in first place in the the Dakar 2016 general, after Federico Villagra dominated the entire lineup in Stage 5. Gerard de Rooy crossed the finish line 2 minutes and 35 seconds ahead of the Russian pilot Eduard Nikolaev and 5 minutes and 23 seconds ahead of Andrey Karginov, both of whom were piloting Kamazes. Federico Villagra finished today in 6th place and was the strongest Iveco competitor after De Rooy. The Argentine pilot is just 2 minutes away from the competition's Top 5. Pieter Versluis's relatively slow progress and the great distance Gerard de Rooy was able to put between himself and the Dutch pilot today allowed Team PETRONAS De Rooy Iveco to make it to the top of the Dakar, but the team still has five stages ahead of it to defend this privileged position. The Iveco Trakkers also had a good day, with Ton van Genugten finishing 17 minutes and 34 seconds behind De Rooy and Pep Vila ending the day 29 minutes and 15 seconds from the lead. The Spanish pilot took advantage of Iveco's winning streak and broke into the Top 10. That means that, now, 4 of the 10 best trucks in the Dakar are Iveco trucks. Starting today, the Dakar caravan will once again begin the "marathon" stages, in which the competitors will not be allowed to receive help from their teams at the end of the day and the vehicles will be held for the night in a closed park. This may be a new filter in the competition, considering that the Belén-Belén loop, which begins this Tuesday, may be one of the most complex stages of the race. Stage 8 Trucks 4:41:59-1. GERARD DE ROOY (NLD), IVECO 2. Nikolaev (RUS), Kamaz – plus 2 minutes 35 seconds 3. Karginov (RUS), Kamaz – plus 5 minutes 23 seconds 4. Valtr (CZE), Tatra – plus 13 minutes 38 seconds 5. Sotnikov (RUS), Kamaz – plus 13 minutes 47 seconds 6. FEDERICO VILLAGRA (ARG), IVECO – plus 14 minutes 35 seconds 9. TON VAN GENUGTEN (NLD), IVECO – plus 17 minutes 34 seconds 11. PEP VILA (SPA), IVECO – plus 29 minutes 15 seconds General Classification Trucks 25:49:26-1. GERARD DE ROOY (NLD), IVECO 2. Nikolaev (RUS), Kamaz – plus 7 minutes 58 seconds 3. Versluis (NLD), MAN – plus 13 minutes 29 seconds 4. Stacey (NLD), MAN – plus 20 minutes 46 seconds 5. Mardeev (RUS), Kamaz – plus 22 minutes 21 seconds 6. FEDERICO VILLAGRA (ARG), IVECO – plus 24 minutes 39 seconds 7. TON VAN GENUGTEN (NLD), IVECO – plus 41 minutes 3 seconds 10. PEP VILA (SPA), IVECO – plus 1 hour 49 minutes 51 seconds - ALEŠ LOPRAIS (CZE), IVECO – dropped out To learn more about Iveco's teams and vehicles and to follow Iveco day-by-day throughout the race, visit www.iveco.com/dakar

Meanwhile, South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley, delivering the Republican response to President Barack Obama's State of the Union address, called called herself a "proud daughter of Indian immigrants" and said individuals [illegal immigrants] willing to work hard and follow the law shouldn't feel unwelcome. But Haley is on the right track in saying: 'We must fix our broken immigration system,' said Haley. 'That means stopping illegal immigration. And it means welcoming properly vetted legal immigrants, regardless of their race or religion. Just like we have for centuries.'

Associated Press / January 12, 2016 On Tuesday, House Democrats gathered at a press conference to denounce his policies and release a letter signed by 139 lawmakers calling for deportation raids to stop. "It's just unacceptable," said Democratic Rep. Luis Gutierrez of Illinois. "I've been 99.9 percent with this president of the United States but in this particular case, when his administration sows the seeds of terror throughout the [illegal] immigrant community of the United States and millions of people are affected, that's what I'm going to concern myself with."

No he certainly doesn't. He's a refreshing and brilliant individual who calls a spade a spade.

The Guardian / January 12, 2016 On immigration, Clinton promised she would not be the next “deporter-in-chief” if elected. But she could not answer whether she would deport children, saying the issue was more complicated than that. When the moderators pressed her for a more straightforward response, Clinton said only that children would receive “due process”. During the debate, Clinton broke with President Barack Obama and called on his administration to stop the recent deportation raids that have targeted Central American [illegal] immigrants who crossed the border in mass last summer fleeing violence and poverty in their native countries. “Our immigration enforcement efforts should be humane and conducted in accordance with due process, and that is why I believe we must stop the raids happening in immigrant communities,” Clinton said in a statement. Senator Sanders and Governor Martin O’Malley had already condemned the raids and urged the president to end them. Clinton said she did not see a “contradiction” between her support for immigration reform and her calls for increased border security, which she said included funding for a fence not a wall.

Trucks Are Completely Refreshed on Rest Day Hino Trucks Press Release / January 11, 2016 Team finishes the first half with a one-two lead in the Under 10-litre Class. January 9: The arrival of both of the team's trucks was delayed this day, with Car 2 crewed by Teruhito Sugawara and Hiroyuki Sugiura arriving at 11:30pm, and Car 1 piloted by Yoshimasa Sugawara and Mitsugu Takahashi―which suffered a one-hour time loss when they got stuck in a river crossing early in the SS―arriving at the bivouac in good shape at about 2:30am. Car 2 finished at 18th overall and top in the Under 10-litre Class for the day, and Car 1 came in at 45th place overall and 3rd in the class. The accumulated rankings for Car 2 and Car 1 were 18th overall and top in the class, and 41st overall and 2nd in the class, respectively. As of the completion of the first half of the rally, the team's two trucks continue to maintain their one-two lead in the Under 10-litre Class. January 10 was a rest day for the crew, while the mechanics spent the whole day inspecting and servicing the trucks. Parts and oils were also replaced as scheduled, and both HINO500 Series trucks were fully refreshed to take on the second week of the rally. The teams have six more stages to go before they reach the finish line in Rosario on January 16. In the coming days in the foothills of the Andes Mountains in central Argentina, contestants will be faced with demanding courses including deserts in the outlying areas of Fiambala where average speeds will naturally be much lower. On January 11, teams will race on a two-part SS with a total distance of 394km on their way to Belén. Yoshimasa Sugawara: Early in the SS yesterday, we got stuck on soft dirt when we were looking for a good point to cross a river. It took us about an hour to get out and it was already dark by the time we got near the end of the SS. I'm relieved that we were able to complete the day in good shape to take on the second half of the race. Mitsugu Takahashi: This was the first time I experienced getting stuck in a truck so it was a bit nerve-racking. We got help from a truck crew that was also stuck near us, and from spectators as well. I was relieved that we made it out. Teruhito Sugawara: The latter half of the rally will be more demanding, and I think the time differences will widen between trucks in different ranking positions. Currently, we are 2 hours and 20 minutes behind the leader, but I think this would have been more like 4 hours on our previous truck. This is testimony to how good this truck is, and I'm excited to see how much more we can do in the second half. Hiroyuki Sugiura: So we're done with the highland stages, which are my bane. We're told that there will be soft sandy terrain tomorrow, so it looks like we're finally going to see something more Dakar Rally-like. Katsuyuki Nagoshi: We tuned the turbo to work hard under the air-deprived conditions at high altitudes to give the engine more power, and I think that went fairly well. We've also been able to identify areas for improvement, so that's data we can use in our development moving forward. Masaki Nakamura: On Car 2, we replaced the front leaf as scheduled, as well as its broken stabilizer and its tires. We performed a number of tasks on Car 1 including replacing its propeller shaft. We were told that Salta gets frequent rain showers so we were fortunate that it stayed dry. Photo gallery - http://www.hino-global.com/dakar/latest_news/PD16-19.html

KrAZ Trucks Press Release / January 4, 2016 2015 was a rewarding year for KrAZ Trucks. We withstood blows of financial and political crisis and showed better performance. The total number of vehicles that rolled off the main assembly line in the previous year amounts to 1,401 units (up 101 percent from 2014). KrAZ employees consider this result as great and important victory! Amid decline in production of motor vehicles, production shutdown in the automotive branch and other industries of the country, domestic and foreign market segments stagnation, sales slowdown, and leap in prices for electricity, gas and components KrAZ remains one of few truckmakers that had dynamical and stable performance. During 2015 the company showed positive growth rate in each quarter and half-year. The second half-year was more fruitful than the first one: the company built 824 vehicles and reached 43 percent growth. The performance figures achieved in the fourth quarter are the best among results for this year: 417 vehicles. December was the most fruitful month of the previous year: 182 vehicles were delivered to the finished products warehouse, up 53 percent from November 2015’s figure and 7 percent up as compared to the similar period of the previous year. 72 percent of products manufactured in the last month of the outgoing year were intended for export sales, while the rest of vehicles for inner market. Platform trucks accounted for 58 percent of the total number of vehicles built by the company, chassis cabs for 30 percent, truck tractors for 6 percent, special vehicles for 4 percent, dump trucks for 2 percent. In addition to our core truck products, our Kremenchug Automobile Plant built 21 towed vehicles: 16 trailers and 5 semi-trailers, 75 percent up from the previous year’s result. All the vehicles built in 2015 by the company were shipped to customers. Export sales account for 40 percent, sales to Ukrainian customers account for 60 percent. KrAZ’s staff believes that fulfillment of very important government defence order and several foreign trade contracts and contracts awarded through bidding process entered into with Ukrainian and foreign partners is a significant achievement. In 2015 efforts were made to do a large amount of work to develop new and upgrade mass-produced vehicles. Some new models have been added the lineup, including the KrAZ-5401 4х2 light chassis cab having maximized commonality with various power plants and special superstructures, a range of heavy armored vehicles such as KrAZ-Hurricane (8х8) and KrAZ-Fiona (6х6), the KrAZ-7233С4 8x4 four-axle dump truck, the 4х4 chassis cab with two steerable axles used for conversion into special vehicle. In addition, Ford engines have been adapted to KrAZ mass-produced vehicles, 15-tonnes trailer has been developed and built, more models have been added to the lineup of special vehicles based on KrAZ chassis intended for use by road maintenance entities of the country. In 2015, the company was focused primarily on the quality of its products. Many efforts were made to improve the reliability of KrAZ trucks and gather customer feedback. In 2016, KrAZ Trucks is determined to move forward and do all the best to achieve increase in production and sales, improve benefits package, develop and launch new models in the domestic and foreign markets. Moreover, efforts will be made this year to reduce cost of products, improve production performance and quality of products. .

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1/11/2016 Dakar 2016: a day of rest ​The first half of the 2016 Dakar Rally is over. Gerard de Rooy put Iveco in second place in the general, and now the crews are getting ready for the second week, which promises to be even tougher than the first. On Sunday a day of rest in Salta for the Dakar pilots. The majority of the mechanics and pilots spent the day in their work spaces, getting their vehicles in shape for another week of racing on the most difficult roads in Argentina. At this point, 83% of the vehicles that left from Buenos Aires remain in the competition, including 51 of the 55 trucks that started the race. The 2016 Dakar has already travelled through Bolivia, with the Iveco trucks very well positioned in the general classification. Gerard de Rooy, of the Team PETRONAS De Rooy Iveco, is currently in 2nd place, just 5 minutes and 31 seconds behind the Dutchman, Pieter Versluis. After more than seven stages and 21 hours of competition, that difference is tiny and everything can change in the second part of the rally. "We have a lot of faith in our vehicles, things have been going smoothly for us. We think the Kamazes are going to put up a fight next week, no one expected them to have problems." said Gerard de Rooy, referring to the Russian trucks that always battle it out for the top spots in the Dakar and whose star pilots, Mardeev and Nikolaev, are now in 3rd and 4th place, 10 minutes behind the leader" said Gerard de Rooy, referring to the Russian trucks that always battle it out for the top spots in the Dakar and whose star pilots, Mardeev and Nikolaev, are now in 3rd and 4th place, 10 minutes behind the leader. Federico Villagra has been the surprise of the season in the first half of the Dakar in the Trucks category. The Argentine, at the wheel of the La Gloriosa Team De Rooy's Iveco Powerstar, has demonstrated a great ability to manage and adapt to large vehicles, taking the lead in the general classification after Stage 5. Because of a flat tire in the last few kilometers of yesterday's race, he is now in 6th place, 15 minutes behind the leader, Versluis. Ton van Genugten is getting the job done aboard Iveco Trakker #516 and is currently in 7th place in the classification, behind Villagra. The Dutchman also lost time yesterday when he stopped to help his teammate, Villagra, with his flat tire. Had he not stopped, he would likely have won the stage. Pep Vila is aiming to make it into the Top 10 by the end of the competition and still has one week ahead. He's in 12th place but is just 32 minutes from the 10th position. Unfortunately, the Czech pilot Aleš Loprais had to drop out of the race, because of mechanical failures in a connecting stretch, just when the Powerstar was in a strong position within the Top 10 in the race. General Classification − Trucks 1. Versluis (NLD), MAN – 17:05:09 2. GERARD DE ROOY (NLD), IVECO − plus 5 minutes 31 seconds 3. Mardeev (RUS), Kamaz – plus 10 minutes 48 seconds 4. Nikolaev (RUS), Kamaz – plus 10 minutes 54 seconds 5. Stacey (NLD), MAN – plus 11 minutes 28 seconds 6. FEDERICO VILLAGRA (ARG), IVECO – plus 15 minutes 35 seconds 7. TON VAN GENUGTEN (NLD), IVECO – plus 29 minutes 0 seconds 12. PEP VILA (SPA), IVECO – plus 1 hour 26 minutes 7 seconds - ALEŠ LOPRAIS (CZE), IVECO – dropped out To learn more about Iveco's teams and vehicles and to follow Iveco day-by-day throughout the race, visit www.iveco.com/dakar

Sergio Marchionne is the sharpest automaking CEO in the world today. Listening to his views is always educational.

That picture keeps reminding me of this brochure photograph (taken at the former Mack Trucks Engineering Development & Test Center in Allentown). .

If the day comes when crime levels are such that we all have to carry guns on our person, a sad and pathetic day indeed............then the United States of America will have lost all that once made it the greatest country in the world. I am a citizen. I don’t own a gun, and have no desire to carry one in daily, ordinary life. I would not locate myself in a vicinity that required me to carry a gun for protection. Life’s too short......I’m not going to live that way.

Business Insider / January 11, 2016 Germany's leading newspaper Bild has published an exclusive interview with Russia's president Vladimir Putin. In partnership with Bild, Business Insider has published an English translation below. BILD publisher Kai Diekmann and senior politics editor Nikolaus Blome conducted the interview at Putin's residence in Sochi on January 5th. It was translated from German to English by BILD. This is Part 1... BILD: Mr President, 25 years ago, we celebrated the end of the Cold War. Now we have just had a year of more crises and wars than ever before. What went so horribly wrong in the relationship between Russia and the West? Vladimir Putin: That is the big question. We have done everything wrong. BILD: Everything? Putin: From the beginning, we failed to overcome Europe’s division. 25 years ago, the Berlin Wall fell, but invisible walls were moved to the East of Europe. This has led to mutual misunderstandings and assignments of guilt. They are the cause of all crises ever since. BILD: What do you mean? When did this development escalate? Putin: Back in 2007, many people criticized me for my talk at the Munich Security Conference. But what did I say there? I merely pointed out that the former NATO Secretary General Manfred Wörner had guaranteed that NATO would not expand eastwards after the fall of the Wall. Many German politicians had also warned about such a step, for instance Egon Bahr. (Putin has his spokesperson hand him a thin folder. It contains transcripts of talks that, among others, Bahr led in Moscow back then. “This had never been published,” Putin says.) BILD: What kind of talks were these? Putin: Over the course of the year 1990, the then Chancellor Helmut Kohl and Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher had many conversations with President Gorbachev and other Soviet officials. (Now Putin reads out, in Russian, the transcript of an exchange with Egon Bahr. His index finger follows each line on the paper.) Putin: This, for instance, is what Egon Bahr said on June 26, 1990: “If we do not now undertake clear steps to prevent a division of Europe, this will lead to Russia’s isolation.” Bahr, a wise man, had a very concrete suggestion as to how this danger could be averted: the USA, the then Soviet Union and the concerned states themselves should redefine a zone in Central Europe that would not be accessible to NATO with its military structures. Bahr even said: If Russia agreed to the NATO expansion, he would never come to Moscow again. (Putin laughs quietly.) BILD: Did he ever come back to Moscow? Putin (still laughing): To be honest, I don’t know. BILD: But seriously: the central European states wanted to become NATO members by their own volition. They expected security for themselves from this step. Putin: I have heard this a thousand times. Of course every state has the right to organize its security the way it deems appropriate. But the states that were already in NATO, the member states, could also have followed their own interests – and abstained from an expansion to the east. BILD: Should NATO just have said no? It wouldn’t have survived that, because … (Putin asks back, suddenly in German, ignoring the interpreter): Why not? BILD: Because it is part of NATO’s rules and self-understanding to accept free countries as members if they want to and if they fulfill certain conditions. Putin (still in German): Who has written these rules? The politicians, right? (The President then switches back to Russian.) Putin: Nowhere is it written that NATO had to accept certain countries. All that would have been required to refrain from doing so was the political will. But people didn’t want to. BILD: Why, do you think, was this the case? Putin: NATO and the USA wanted a complete victory over the Soviet Union. They wanted to sit on the throne in Europe alone. But now they are sitting there, and we are talking about all these crises we would otherwise not have. You can also see this striving for an absolute triumph in the American missile defense plans. BILD: But the USA’s missile defense shield – should it ever be installed – is merely defensive, isn’t it? Putin: In 2009, US President Obama said that the missile defense only serves as protection from Iranian nuclear missiles. But now there is an international treaty with Iran that bans Tehran from developing a potential military nuclear project. The International Atomic Energy Agency is controlling this, the sanctions against Iran are lifted – but still the US is working on their missile defense system. Only recently a treaty with Spain was signed, a deployment in Romania is being prepared, the same will happen in Poland in 2018, and in Turkey, a radar unit is being installed. What is the point of this? BILD: You have now explained, in detail, the mistakes that, from Russia’s perspective, the West has made. Has Russia itself not made any mistakes? Putin: Yes, we have made mistakes! We were too late. If we had presented our national interests more clearly from the beginning, the world would still be in balance today. After the demise of the Soviet Union, we had many problems of our own for which no one was responsible but ourselves: the economic downfall, the collapse of the welfare system, the separatism, and of course the terror attacks that shook our country. In this respect, we do not have to look for guilty parties abroad. BILD: In your last interview with BILD, ten years ago, you said that Germany and Russia had never been as close as in 2005. What is left today of this special relationship? Putin: The mutual sympathy of our peoples is and will remain the foundation of our relations. BILD: And nothing has changed? (Before speaking the next sentence, the President starts to sneer.) Putin: Even with the help of anti-Russian propaganda in the mass media, Germany has not succeeded in damaging this sympathy … BILD: Do you mean BILD? Putin: I do not mean you personally. But of course Germany’s media are heavily influenced by the country on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean. BILD: That’s news to us. So what is the state of the German-Russian relationship today? Putin: We had a very good situation in 2005. The trade volume was US$80 billion annually. Thousands of jobs were created in Germany by Russian investments. At the same time, a large number of German companies invested in Russia. There were countless cultural and social contacts. And today? The trade volume is half as much, only about US$40 billion. BILD: Would the Munich Security Conference be a good opportunity to improve the mood? Putin: I will not come to Munich. BILD: What do you think about the theory that there are two Vladimir Putins? One, until 2007, the friend of the West, close friends with Chancellor Schröder. And the other one after that: the cold warrior. Putin: I have never changed. I feel as young as I always did and remain close friends with Gerhard Schröder. But things are different in the international relations between states. In this respect, I am neither a friend, nor bride or groom. I am the president of 146 million Russians. I have to represent their interests. We are willing to settle this without any conflicts and to search for compromises on the basis of international law. BILD: In the year 2000, you said that the most important lesson from the Cold War is that there should never be any confrontation in Europe again. Today this confrontation is back. When will we get the first Putin back, the friend of the West? Putin: Once again, I’m still the same. Take the fight against terrorism: after the attacks of September 11, I was the first to side with US President Bush. And now, after the attacks in Paris, I have done the same with the President of France, Hollande. Terrorism threatens us all. BILD: Does the threat posed by Islamist terrorism not create a new commonality between Russia and the West? Putin: Yes, we should cooperate much more closely in fighting terrorism, which is a great challenge. Even if we do not always agree on every aspect, nobody should take this as an excuse to declare us as enemies. BILD: Since you are talking about a great challenge: is Crimea, by comparison, really worth damaging Russia’s relationship with the West that severely? Putin: What do you mean by “Crimea”? BILD: The one-sided movement of borders in a Europe that is based, in particular, on respecting state borders. Putin: For me, it means: human beings. BILD: Human beings? Putin: The nationalists’ coup in the Ukrainian capital of Kiev in February 2014 has hugely scared 2.5 million Russian people living on Crimea. So what did we do? We have not gone to war, we have not fired, not a single person was killed. Our soldiers have merely prevented the Ukrainian troops on Crimea from impeding the freedom of expression of the people. In the referendum – which was still decided to take place by the Crimea’s old parliament – the majority of citizens voted for belonging to Russia. This is democracy, the people’s will. BILD: But one cannot simply challenge European state borders. Putin: For me, it is not borders and state territories that matter, but people’s fortunes. BILD: What about international law? Putin: Of course one always has to follow international law. This was also the case in Crimea. According to the Charter of the United Nations, every people has the right to self-determination. Just take Kosovo: back then, UN bodies decided that Kosovo should become independent of Serbia and that the interests of Serbia’s central government had to be subordinated. You can read that in all the records, also in the German ones. BILD: But prior to that, the Serbian central government had waged war against the Kosovo Albanians and had driven thousands of them away. That’s a difference. Putin: The fact is that there was a long war in which Serbia and its capital Belgrade were bombarded and attacked with missiles. It was a military intervention of the West and NATO against the then rump Yugoslavia. Now I’m asking you: if the Kosovars have the right to self-determination, why should people on Crimea not have it? I would say: everyone should comply with uniform international rules and not want to change them any time one feels like it. BILD: If, in your view, there has been no violation of international law on Crimea, how do you explain to the citizens of Russia the severe economic sanctions of the West and the European Union? Putin: The Russian population is absolutely clear about the situation. Napoleon once said that justice is the incarnation of God on Earth. I’m telling you: the reunification of Crimea and Russia is just. The West’s sanctions are not aimed at helping Ukraine, but at geo-politically pushing Russia back. They are foolish and are merely harming both sides. BILD: How difficult are the sanctions for Russia? Putin: Concerning our possibilities on the international financial markets, the sanctions are severely harming Russia. But the biggest harm is currently caused by the decline of the prices for energy. We suffer dangerous revenue losses in our export of oil and gas, which we can partly compensate for elsewhere. But the whole thing also has a positive side: if you earn so many petrodollars – as we once did – that you can buy anything abroad, this slows down developments in your own country. BILD: It is claimed that the Russian economy has suffered severely. Putin: We are currently gradually stabilizing our economy. Last year, the gross domestic product had dropped by 3.8 per cent. Inflation is approximately 12.7 per cent. The trade balance, however, is still positive. For the first time in many years, we are exporting significantly more goods with a high added value, and we have more than 300 billion dollars in gold reserves. Several programs for modernizing the economy are being carried out. BILD: In 2015, you talked extensively about Crimea and the crisis in eastern Ukraine with Chancellor Angela Merkel. What is your relationship like today? Putin: We have a professional relationship. I have met her seven times last year, and we were calling each other on the phone at least 20 times. 2016 is the year of the German-Russian youth exchange, so the relations are moving on. BILD: Do you trust Angela Merkel? Putin: Yes, I trust her, she is a very open person. She is also subject to certain constraints and limitations. But she is honestly trying to settle the crisis, also in the south-east of Ukraine. However, what the European Union is doing with those sanctions is nothing but a theatre of the absurd. BILD: Theatre of the absurd? In eastern Ukraine, not everything is as it should be before the sanctions are lifted. Putin: Anything that is missing in the implementation of the Minsk Agreement is – without any exception – up to the Kiev central government of Ukraine. You cannot demand something of Moscow that, in fact, the rulers in Kiev have to deliver. The most important aspect is the constitutional reform, Point 11 of the Minsk Agreement. (Putin asks for another small file und reads out Point 11 of the agreement in Russian. His index finger is close to the narrowly printed paper. Then he continues to talk.) Putin: The constitutional reform is supposed to give autonomy to eastern Ukraine and to be adopted by the end of 2015. This has not happened, and the year is over. That’s not Russia’s fault. BILD: Was the constitutional reform not supposed to be carried out once the separatists supported by Russia and the central government’s troops in eastern Ukraine have stopped shooting at each other? Putin: No. It does not say so here. First, the constitution has to be reformed. Only then can confidence building and border security follow. Look at this. (Putin passes the tacked papers over the table. “It’s all in English, you can keep it,” he says. “Thank you,” the BILD editors reply. Putin, now in German: “Nichts zu danken” [“You’re welcome”]). BILD: Do you think that Angela Merkel has also not properly read and understood the Minsk Agreement? She has just supported the idea of extending the sanctions against Russia. Putin: The Chancellor and the European partners would be well-advised to address the problems in eastern Ukraine more thoroughly. Maybe they have too many domestic problems of their own at the moment. At least Germany and France have recently criticized that the Ukrainian central government has limited certain parts of the autonomy regulations to three years. They were supposed to last permanently.

This is an extremely good read, providing volumes of understanding that you won’t gather from CNN. I had thought.......hoped.......that the threat posed by ISIS would finally force the U.S. and Russia to work together, an action which would reveal that both countries can understand and respect each other’s differing priorities. Like any two people, these two countries are never going to agree on everything. However, at the end of the day, they can exist together on the same street, and work together effectively to keep our ever-smaller world at peace. The U.S. and Russia - with evil in the world including ISIS and other radicalized Islamic groups, these two countries can’t afford not to work together. The basis for sanctions against Russia is highly arguable, and obviously divisive. A joint U.S.-Russian operation in the Middle East could annihilate the ISIS threat once and for all. But the sanctions obviously prevent such an operation from taking form. Putin is a sharp individual, with a strong and helpful understanding of the Middle East situation. A straight talker, he calls a spade a spade. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PUTIN: The deterioration of Russia's relationship with the West is the result of many 'mistakes' Business Insider / January 11, 2016 Russian President Vladimir Putin told the German daily newspaper BILD that he believes Russia's deteriorating relationship with the West was the result of many "mistakes" made by NATO, the US and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. "We have done everything wrong," Putin told BILD publisher Kai Diekmann and BILD politics editor Nikolaus Blome last week. "From the beginning, we failed to overcome Europe’s division. Twenty-five years ago, the Berlin Wall fell, but invisible walls were moved to the East of Europe. This has led to mutual misunderstandings and assignments of guilt. They are the cause of all crises ever since," he said. The US, the former Soviet Union and the post-soviet states who wanted to join NATO should have "redefine[d] a zone in Central Europe that would not be accessible to NATO with its military structures," Putin said. Instead, NATO embarked on an "expansion to the east," allowing the post-Soviet Baltic states — Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania — to join the organization. This resulted from the US' desire for "complete victory over the Soviet Union" after the Cold War ended in 1991, Putin claimed. Putin has recently been upping his rhetoric toward the West. Significantly, the Russian leader — who is currently juggling Moscow's intervention in both Syria and eastern Ukraine — began 2016 by designating NATO a "threat" in an updated paper on Russia’s national-security strategy. "They wanted to sit on the throne in Europe alone. ... You can also see this striving for an absolute triumph in the American missile defense plans," Putin said in the interview, referring to the US' plans to construct a missile-defense shield that Russia has staunchly opposed. Russia's annexation of Crimea in March of 2014, Putin told BILD, was simply the Kremlin's way of protecting the people of Crimea from being confined within the borders imposed upon them by the US and Europe after the West claimed victory in the Cold War. "Our soldiers have merely prevented the Ukrainian troops on Crimea from impeding the freedom of expression of the people," Putin said. "For me, it is not borders and state territories that matter, but people’s fortunes." "If the Kosovars have the right to self-determination, why should people in Crimea not have it?" Putin asked, referring to the UN's determination in 2008 that Kosovo should become independent of Serbia. Putin, however, conceded that Russia has made its own mistakes since the end of the Cold War. "We were too late," he said. "If we had presented our national interests more clearly from the beginning, the world would still be in balance today." "After the demise of the Soviet Union, we had many problems of our own for which no one was responsible but ourselves: the economic downfall, the collapse of the welfare system, the separatism, and of course the terror attacks that shook our country," he continued. "In this respect, we do not have to look for guilty parties abroad." Russia launched a military intervention in Syria last September, and has reportedly been bolstering the pro-Russia rebels in eastern Ukraine since the crisis erupted there in 2014. Putin continues to deny that the Kremlin ever sent ground troops to fight in Ukraine, stating recently that any Russian soldiers there are either volunteers or advisers.

I respect your opinions..........please respect mine. My understanding is, the National Guard is a state's primary militia force, i.e. the "organized" militia......per Sec 311 Title 10 of the US Code (that is what I intended to express). It is the only federally recognized militia, for both federal and state missions. Other so-called "unorganized" state militias like the Illinois State Militia are not federally recognized (even though they may perform a military function). The unorganized state militias, in theory, includes every able-bodied man from age 17 to 45 who is not already in the National Guard. But good luck with that one. In the event of an emergency, the National Guard is the one single force with state-wide capability (and of course can be mobilized to support federal requirements).

Video - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XgxbKc0Br2o#t=58

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fye1dj0Q38Q#t=193

Car 2 Finishes the First Week at 18th Place in the Overall Trucks Category Hino Trucks Press Release / January 8, 2016 Contestants race a long 817km stage between Uyuni and Salta. Car 1 was stuck partially through the race, but is now heading for the goal. January 9: The last day of the first week took contestants from Uyuni, Bolivia to Salta, Argentina on a long 817km stage, including a total of 366 kilometers of Specials. Starting out from the bivouac in Uyuni, the day's course first took contestants on a 33km liaison, and then on to a 230km SS. This was followed by a 116km neutral zone which straddled the Bolivian-Argentine border, after which contestants were met with another 106km SS in Argentina. This day again, the course consisted primarily of mountain roads and pistes on hilly terrain at altitudes in the 3500-4000m range. Midway through the day, the area was met with intense thundershowers and hail, which forced organizers to cancel the latter portion of the SS for motorbikes, while cars and trucks were given the green light to race on. The Teruhito Sugawara and Hiroyuki Sugiura crew put up a daring yet solid fight this stage to bring Car 2 to an 18th place finish in the overall Trucks category, and top in the Under 10-litre Class. The 332km liaison segment that came after the SS was flooded in a number of areas, delaying the trucks' arrival at Salta. Car 1 piloted by Yoshimasa Sugawara and Mitsugu Takahashi got stuck earlier in the day and is now en route on the latter half of the SS. They have yet to finish the SS as of this writing, but are in good shape and heading for the finish line. The assistance crew also had to travel 1050km this day, and it was already past 10pm by the time the advance party arrived. At the bivouac that was set up in the convention center, team mechanics were seen carrying out preparatory work for the intense inspections and servicing work that they will be performing on the trucks on January 10, a day of rest for the driving crews. * Neither of the trucks have arrived as of this writing, so we are including this report now as it is getting late. Photo gallery - http://www.hino-global.com/dakar/latest_news/PD16-18.html